The Boogaloo Bois, an armed libertarian group, dress in their signature Hawaiian shirts during a protest in July 2020 in Portland, United States. Getty Images
The Boogaloo Bois, an armed libertarian group, dress in their signature Hawaiian shirts during a protest in July 2020 in Portland, United States. Getty Images
The Boogaloo Bois, an armed libertarian group, dress in their signature Hawaiian shirts during a protest in July 2020 in Portland, United States. Getty Images
The Boogaloo Bois, an armed libertarian group, dress in their signature Hawaiian shirts during a protest in July 2020 in Portland, United States. Getty Images

Fashion and politics: what happens when brands are adopted by extremist groups


Declan McVeigh
  • English
  • Arabic

When British triple Wimbledon champion Fred Perry launched a clothing range in 1952, he would have been hard-pressed to foresee how it would become embroiled in a political row decades later.

Fred Perry’s lightweight polo shirts, complete with distinctive laurel wreath, made headlines recently when the label said it would stop selling certain versions of the garment in North America and was working with its lawyers to “pursue any unlawful use of our brand”.

What prompted this legal call to arms? Enter the Proud Boys.

The Proud Boys in Fred Perry

Set up in the US in 2016 by Vice founder Gavin McInnes, this men-only organisation of self-described "western chauvinists" is characterised rather more bluntly as a hate group by the anti-racist Southern Poverty Law Centre.

Regularly making the news for their street violence, bellicose support for Donald Trump and enduring hostility to Islam, brawling groups of Proud Boys were often photographed wearing black and yellow Fred Perry shirts – public relations kryptonite for a hip fashion label with roots in youth subcultures going back decades.

“We are proud of its lineage and what the laurel wreath has represented for more than 65 years: inclusivity, diversity and independence,” Fred Perry said last month. “Despite its lineage, we have seen that the black / yellow / yellow twin-tipped shirt is taking on a new and very different meaning in North America as a result of its association with the Proud Boys.”

Proud Boys chairman Enrique Tarrio in a black and yellow Fred Perry shirt rallies in Portland, in August 2019 AP
Proud Boys chairman Enrique Tarrio in a black and yellow Fred Perry shirt rallies in Portland, in August 2019 AP

Speaking in 2017, chairman John Flynn had to distance his brand from the Proud Boys. "Fred was the son of a working-­class socialist MP who became a world tennis champion at a time when tennis was an elitist sport. He started a business with a Jewish businessman from Eastern Europe. It's a shame we even have to answer questions like this. No, we don't support the ideals or the [Proud Boys] group. It is counter to our beliefs and the people we work with."

Politics and fashion often make uncomfortable bedfellows, and it is not the first time that labels or designers have had to react to some unwelcome associations.

In 2016, the same year McInnes was saddling up with his Proud Boys, sportswear brand New Balance had to distance itself from an endorsement by US neo-Nazis. One prominent activist declared the company's trainers to be the "official shoes of white people" after New Balance appeared to endorse US President Donald Trump's trade policies.

Skinheads in Ben Sherman and Dr Martens

Across the Atlantic, Fred Perry and other brands have a strong connection to the UK’s once-thriving collection of musical tribes. That British skinheads’ look included shirts by Ben Sherman and Fred Perry, Dr Martens boots, light Harrington-style jackets and heavier Crombie overcoats, left those labels vulnerable to the bad publicity arising from any criminality or extremism on their customers’ part.

Staying silent on an issue is increasingly taken as acquiescence

The skinhead scene is an apposite example of this blurring of the lines between style and the street. Skinhead subculture came in waves in the UK, with its original manifestation in the late 1960s being working class, apolitical and closely tied to the reggae and ska music brought to Britain by West Indian immigrants.

Later iterations of the skinhead style in the 1970s and 1980s provided a pool for the UK's far-right to recruit from. This produced startling images of shaven-headed young people – mostly men – indulging in the same kind of street violence that sealed the Proud Boys' unsavoury reputation decades later. That most skins stayed out of politics – even referring to their violent, far-right brethren as boneheads rather than skinheads – didn't stop the subculture from getting a bad name. However, where it was once possible to figure out someone's politics from their style choices, the issue has become more clouded, the colourful Hawaiian shirt now being a case in point.

Hawaiian shirts and the boogaloo movement

Armed members of the Boogaloo movement in Hawaiian shirts at an open-carry gun rights rally. Getty Images
Armed members of the Boogaloo movement in Hawaiian shirts at an open-carry gun rights rally. Getty Images

Worn by gun-toting right-­wingers at protests in the US, the shirt was appropriated through a bewildering stream of internet slang and wink-wink, nudge-nudge coded meaning.

References to 1984 musical film Breakin' 2: Electric Boogaloo acted as a message-board euphemism for racial conflict or a second US civil war. Over time, boogaloo morphed into big igloo or big luau – luau being a traditional Hawaiian party, hence the shirt.

As with the Proud Boys, a mixture of bogus irony, niche wordplay and internet obscurantism allows such groups to adopt some plausible deniability. This coded meaning takes another form in parts of Europe, Germany in particular, where displays of neo-Nazi symbols are illegal. There, streetwear brands produce clothing with disguised ultra-­right imagery and slogans. As British cultural theorist Mark Fisher presciently wrote in 2006: "Postmodern fascism is a disavowed fascism."

But, unlike the Zoolander-ish antics of high fashion when it swims head-on into the propellers of controversy – as when Hong Kong make-up brand Woke Up Like This recently had to pull a liquid blusher it named after Anne Frank – Fred Perry's woes are not self-inflicted.

'Brands run a risk by shirking a political stance'

So, how can a fashion brand react when its products are hijacked? Omar Khalifa, a communications expert in Dubai, tells The National that an "aggressive communications campaign" can help. Labels, he says, can use tactics such as "internal diversity and sensitivity training programmes; donations to organisations working with minorities; hiring racial justice, inclusion or diversity specialists; or pledging any number of decisions that would redress whatever situation caused furore".

But does pulling a product – particularly a piece of clothing – only cede ground to whichever motley crew of extremists misappropriated it? Does anyone with a yellow and black Fred Perry shirt now have to go around denying they are a fascist? “The economy is liberal, at least nominally, and businesses know that,” Khalifa says. “It doesn’t matter what the company believes or embraces. Whatever product needs to be pulled will have to be pulled, regardless of what motivates such a move.”

For Minter Dial, a professional speaker in the UK and author of the new book You Lead, a label failing to respond brings its own dangers. "Brands now can run as much risk by shirking a political stance as by espousing one," he tells The National. "And the most sensitive target of any political stance by a brand is the employee base. Staying silent on an issue is increasingly taken as acquiescence. For me, the key is establishing the type of brand you have and want to stand for."

Fred Perry seems to have made that choice and skilfully managed to detach its clothes from the worst excesses of the subcultures that adopted them. But the Proud Boys won’t be the last to attach political and other signifiers to fashion choices.

European brands such as Lacoste and Stone Island became popular with  football casuals – many of which, if political at all, leaned towards the right. In Turkey, it is still the case that facial hair can offer a clue to the owner's politics (big moustache for leftists; the handlebar variety for nationalists).

Wrapped up in all these layers of meaning is a heady mix of class, style, politics and in-group identity. If our politics is becoming more tribal – and we live in a world where even  wearing a mask can be a political statement – labels can expect their products to be woven with more than just fabric.

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Banned items
Dubai Police has also issued a list of banned items at the ground on Sunday. These include:
  • Drones
  • Animals
  • Fireworks/ flares
  • Radios or power banks
  • Laser pointers
  • Glass
  • Selfie sticks/ umbrellas
  • Sharp objects
  • Political flags or banners
  • Bikes, skateboards or scooters
CHELSEA'S NEXT FIVE GAMES

Mar 10: Norwich(A)

Mar 13: Newcastle(H)

Mar 16: Lille(A)

Mar 19: Middlesbrough(A)

Apr 2: Brentford(H)

Heather, the Totality
Matthew Weiner,
Canongate 

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THE SPECS

Engine: 3.5-litre supercharged V6

Power: 416hp at 7,000rpm

Torque: 410Nm at 3,500rpm

Transmission: 6-speed manual

Fuel consumption: 10.2 l/100km

Price: Dh375,000 

On sale: now 

THE SPECS

Engine: 4.0L twin-turbo V8

Gearbox: eight-speed automatic

Power: 571hp at 6,000rpm

Torque: 800Nm from 2,000-4,500rpm

Fuel economy, combined: 11.4L/100km

Price, base: from Dh571,000

On sale: this week

The Birkin bag is made by Hermès. 
It is named after actress and singer Jane Birkin
Noone from Hermès will go on record to say how much a new Birkin costs, how long one would have to wait to get one, and how many bags are actually made each year.

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Publisher: Konami

Platforms: PlayStation 5, Xbox Series X/S, PC

Rating: 4.5/5

The specs

Engine: 4.0-litre V8 twin-turbocharged and three electric motors

Power: Combined output 920hp

Torque: 730Nm at 4,000-7,000rpm

Transmission: 8-speed dual-clutch automatic

Fuel consumption: 11.2L/100km

On sale: Now, deliveries expected later in 2025

Price: expected to start at Dh1,432,000