Michael Karam: Epiphany over Beirut city centre development shows there is always a better way



Last week in Beirut, I had lunch with a friend at a restaurant whose USP, apart from serving delicious food, is to have a ­table-sharing concept as well as the option to sit outside on the street on wooden crates. All very Shoreditch but it breaks the usually stuffy Lebanese mould and is by all accounts doing very well. This was the second time we had been and we noticed that the owner had expanded his business by taking the next-door property. “Just you wait and see,” my friend said. “The Lebanese ... the moment they see someone becoming successful, they drop you like a stone.”

It was harsh analysis, but it was based on more than a grain of truth. Lebanon is a small and intimate country where everyone knows everyone. We know who owns which bank, which car dealership, which hospital and which rooftop bar. We even know who owns the city centre. And the next day, as I took off from Beirut heading back to London, I reflected on my friend’s theory.

And it was then that I had a rare epiphany. You see, up until that moment, I had told anyone who cared to listen that the process of land expropriation that led to creation of the new post-civil war Beirut Central District (BCD) was unavoidable, that Solidere, the company tasked with rebuilding the 191-hectare area, had no choice but to “seize” land and refund landlords with shares. The argument was that this policy would ensure that the process of reconstruction would be holistic instead of piecemeal and reliant on the financial commitment of the individual owners. It would have been a horrible mishmash, I would argue. There was no ­other way.

This impassioned reasoning was normally deployed in the face of arguments that the late prime minister Rafik Hariri, who created and mandated Solidere in its mammoth task, was creating a playground for his buddies in the GCC and jobs for his cronies at home, in particular Sunnis from his hometown of Sidon. Bottom line, this was not a city centre for the ordinary Lebanese as it once had been.

Hariri had a “build it and they will come” attitude and to be fair in the early days of the BCD – we’re talking 2000 – everybody flocked to the area. Parliament Square on a Sunday was packed with families of all classes, happy to have somewhere to go in a city with very few public spaces, jostling with tourists – Arab and non-Arab – and all having a jolly good time.

In 2005, when Hariri, his former economy minister Bassel Fleihan and 19 other innocent souls were immolated in front of the nearby Hotel St Georges, the area became politicised. The March 8 and March 14 blocs were born in subsequent political upheaval during which the area was swamped by huge public demonstrations. A year later, in 2006, there was an 18-month sit in by the pro-Syrian, ­anti-Hariri March 8 parties in the area. This turmoil effectively ripped the heart out of the area to the extent that it is now a shadow of its former self during the day and a barbed wire-draped ghost town after dark. And I would argue that it was just bad luck that the area became stigmatised and business owners decided to open in less controversial areas.

That was until my moment of sudden realisation on the Middle East Airlines Airbus. And it went something like this: there really was no reason why the government had to blanket expropriate all the land. It should have given tenants the option to restore their respective buildings by a certain time frame and according to strict building codes. Those who couldn’t do so, either for financial or complicated ­legal reasons, would have to accept the share option. If this had happened, the process would have become more of a joint venture and we wouldn’t have had the vicious anti-Solidere sentiment that has tarred the whole process with the brush of corruption and self-interest.

Would it have made a difference? Yes, and here is where my friend’s comment about the picky nature of the Lebanese is relevant: those landlords who got back their property would have been invested in making the area work. The BCD would not be seen as the property of one family or, even more toxic, one sect. I wager it would have endured Lebanon’s sad political trajectory between 2005 and 2008. As it was, deep down in the Lebanese psyche, they saw it as the sole preserve of one family and by and large, they have turned their back on it.

Michael Karam is a freelance writer who lives between Beirut and Brighton.

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Afghanistan Premier League - at a glance

Venue: Sharjah Cricket Stadium

Fixtures:

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Citizenship-by-investment programmes

United Kingdom

The UK offers three programmes for residency. The UK Overseas Business Representative Visa lets you open an overseas branch office of your existing company in the country at no extra investment. For the UK Tier 1 Innovator Visa, you are required to invest £50,000 (Dh238,000) into a business. You can also get a UK Tier 1 Investor Visa if you invest £2 million, £5m or £10m (the higher the investment, the sooner you obtain your permanent residency).

All UK residency visas get approved in 90 to 120 days and are valid for 3 years. After 3 years, the applicant can apply for extension of another 2 years. Once they have lived in the UK for a minimum of 6 months every year, they are eligible to apply for permanent residency (called Indefinite Leave to Remain). After one year of ILR, the applicant can apply for UK passport.

The Caribbean

Depending on the country, the investment amount starts from $100,000 (Dh367,250) and can go up to $400,000 in real estate. From the date of purchase, it will take between four to five months to receive a passport. 

Portugal

The investment amount ranges from €350,000 to €500,000 (Dh1.5m to Dh2.16m) in real estate. From the date of purchase, it will take a maximum of six months to receive a Golden Visa. Applicants can apply for permanent residency after five years and Portuguese citizenship after six years.

“Among European countries with residency programmes, Portugal has been the most popular because it offers the most cost-effective programme to eventually acquire citizenship of the European Union without ever residing in Portugal,” states Veronica Cotdemiey of Citizenship Invest.

Greece

The real estate investment threshold to acquire residency for Greece is €250,000, making it the cheapest real estate residency visa scheme in Europe. You can apply for residency in four months and citizenship after seven years.

Spain

The real estate investment threshold to acquire residency for Spain is €500,000. You can apply for permanent residency after five years and citizenship after 10 years. It is not necessary to live in Spain to retain and renew the residency visa permit.

Cyprus

Cyprus offers the quickest route to citizenship of a European country in only six months. An investment of €2m in real estate is required, making it the highest priced programme in Europe.

Malta

The Malta citizenship by investment programme is lengthy and investors are required to contribute sums as donations to the Maltese government. The applicant must either contribute at least €650,000 to the National Development & Social Fund. Spouses and children are required to contribute €25,000; unmarried children between 18 and 25 and dependent parents must contribute €50,000 each.

The second step is to make an investment in property of at least €350,000 or enter a property rental contract for at least €16,000 per annum for five years. The third step is to invest at least €150,000 in bonds or shares approved by the Maltese government to be kept for at least five years.

Candidates must commit to a minimum physical presence in Malta before citizenship is granted. While you get residency in two months, you can apply for citizenship after a year.

Egypt 

A one-year residency permit can be bought if you purchase property in Egypt worth $100,000. A three-year residency is available for those who invest $200,000 in property, and five years for those who purchase property worth $400,000.

Source: Citizenship Invest and Aqua Properties