Chris Blackhurst is a former editor of The Independent, based in London
August 04, 2021
There is a sense of inevitability about the controversy surrounding Ben Elliot, co-chairman of the Conservative Party and nephew of Camilla, Prince Charles's wife.
He is at the centre of three sets of claims: one, that he furnished clients of his Quintessentially concierge company with access to Prince Charles in return for cash; two, that he set up a secret club of high-roller Tory donors, called the Advisory Board, to channel payments to the party in exchange for meetings with senior ministers; three, that his company sold PCR and antibody tests to wealthy clients at a time when the UK government was struggling to obtain them.
All three show what Elliot does brilliantly: smoothing the paths of the super-rich, making connections and solving difficulties, at a price.
Elliot, 45, is hugely well-connected. An Old Etonian, he is a nephew of the Duchess of Cornwall and therefore, by marriage, Prince Charles. His circle of close friends includes Tom Parker Bowles, Camilla’s son, princes William and Harry, and Zac and Ben Goldsmith. Tall, smooth and urbane, he is married to Mary-Clare, daughter of the musician Steve Winwood.
Interesting as the personal details are, it is his business acumen that has propelled him to riches and attention. He started out as a nightclub host, running venues at the top end of the market for London’s glitterati. That’s when I first became aware of him, as a name in that crazy, late ‘90s fin de siècle. That led to putting on extravagant parties for the same, ultra-glamorous set. Whatever they desired, Elliot said they could consider it done, and it usually was.
That evolved into a wider enterprise, still catering to the whims of the “0.01” as he described them, but laying on private planes, limousines, yachts, hotels, staff – in short, helping them secure virtually anything they wanted.
This was not unique – others were doing the same – although Elliot shone as being especially driven and persuasive. Relentless, too. He was also brilliant at ramping up his own publicity and ubiquity – my inbox would groan with emails and missives from him and his agency. Elliot placed Quintessentially at the heart of London’s social scene and took the firm overseas, cashing in on the explosion in demand for luxury and service.
The problematic entwining of private and public
The problem comes when that spills over into politics and public life. He may be “Mr Access All Areas”, but that access arguably should not include members of royalty or the Cabinet. Blurring private with public service can be dangerous. Mix those who have money with those who have little, charities and political parties. But what the latter may lack in cash they have another asset: power.
Of the rows currently engulfing Elliot, the most telling are those concerning the Advisory Board and the PCR tests. The first says a lot about his methods, how he likes to create tiers of importance – so at Quintessentially, £15,000 ($20,911) a year buys elite membership with extra benefits and networking opportunities. The second raises questions about his suitability for high office, that as co-chair of the party of government he should have been more sensitive to public perception and thought twice about peddling Covid tests his Tory colleagues were unable to secure.
Despite the rules, there are grey areas. I’ve been asked to help secure a knighthood for a well-known tycoon – their opening offer was £40,000.
Making introductions to Prince Charles highlights what occurs when a well-meaning member of royalty is trying to raise finance for charitable projects. Again, it illustrates what can happen when organisations with limited means, charities, are aligned with individuals contained in Elliot’s contacts book, who have plenty.
In the UK, in the absence of state funding for political parties, their financial well-being comes down to their own devices. For Labour, that means tapping the trade unions and, infrequently, people and businesses; for the Tories, that equates to constantly pumping people and businesses.
There are regulations, of course, and they have been tightened. Nevertheless, our public life is forever being dogged by scandals concerning “access capitalism”. Their monikers form a roll-call of shame, among them “cash for questions”, “sleaze”, “cash for honours”, “chumocracy”.
Despite the rules, there are grey areas. I’ve been asked to help secure a knighthood for a well-known tycoon – their opening offer was £40,000. I declined, and by the way, he never did get it and later went to jail. I’ve had someone enquire as to the best way to obtain a peerage.
This was in the Tony Blair era, and he was worried in case he would have to pin his colours to Labour. More recently, a billionaire tax exile wanted to be a “Sir” – I pointed out that his tax status would count against him. He insisted, as they frequently do, “it’s not for me, you understand, but for my wife, she deserves to be called ‘Lady'”.
Path to a knighthood? Pave Downing Street with gold
In every case, there is one quick way: give generously to the party occupying Number 10. You must pay your dues, possibly do some genuine philanthropy if you don’t already, make yourself known to the hierarchy, and donate.
There are other routes to the powerful. Buy items at the party conferences – they’re all for sale – from the lanyards round the necks of delegates, to the carrier bags for their booklets, to receptions, to exclusive lounges where senior figures are guaranteed to be present, to exhibition stands with a promise that the leader will “walkabout” and chat with you and be photographed, to places at gala dinners. They’re all yours, if you pay.
In theory, it’s above board. But the sotto voce line is that the party will be extremely “appreciative”, that the leadership will be “aware” of your contribution.
A venal injustice
Likewise, the fund-raising bash. Elliot, co-chairman only since 2019, has had to apologise to Tory MPs once already for seating the housing secretary, Robert Jenrick, next to property developer and party donor Richard Desmond at a £900-a-head evening at London’s Savoy hotel.
Desmond wanted Jenrick to agree to a 1,500-home development in Westferry, east London, and the billionaire duly raised the issue with him over the dinner. Afterwards, Jenrick exchanged texts with the former newspaper proprietor and eventually gave the project the go-ahead.
In 2019, Ben Elliot seated UK housing minister Robert Jenrick, pictured, next to a billionaire property developer at a fundraising gala. AFP
Subsequently, when the episode became known, Jenrick denied he had inappropriately overruled official advice to reject the scheme as a favour to Desmond. The minister maintained he acted properly throughout, did not know he would be seated alongside Desmond, told him it was not the right forum to be discussing his plans, and that he was not unduly influenced – even though Desmond’s proposal contained fewer affordable homes than a previous scheme.
It was a close call for Jenrick. Angry Tory MPs tore a strip off Elliot. Now this. Elliot is unlikely to budge, say Tory insiders. “No Tory wants the fuss of insisting he should go, and besides, he has brought in zillions for the party,” one said.
As long as he remains in situ, don’t be surprised if there is more of the same.
Our family matters legal consultant
Name: Hassan Mohsen Elhais
Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.
Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al Banna, "accepted the political utility of violence"
Views of key Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Qutb, have “consistently been understood” as permitting “the use of extreme violence in the pursuit of the perfect Islamic society” and “never been institutionally disowned” by the movement.
Muslim Brotherhood at all levels has repeatedly defended Hamas attacks against Israel, including the use of suicide bombers and the killing of civilians.
Laying out the report in the House of Commons, David Cameron told MPs: "The main findings of the review support the conclusion that membership of, association with, or influence by the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered as a possible indicator of extremism."
1,228 - games at the helm, ahead of Sunday's Premier League fixture against West Ham United.
704 - wins to date as Arsenal manager.
3 - Premier League title wins, the last during an unbeaten Invincibles campaign of 2003/04.
1,549 - goals scored in Premier League matches by Wenger's teams.
10 - major trophies won.
473 - Premier League victories.
7 - FA Cup triumphs, with three of those having come the last four seasons.
151 - Premier League losses.
21 - full seasons in charge.
49 - games unbeaten in the Premier League from May 2003 to October 2004.
Under ‘snapback’, measures imposed on Iran by the UN Security Council in six resolutions would be restored, including:
An arms embargo
A ban on uranium enrichment and reprocessing
A ban on launches and other activities with ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons, as well as ballistic missile technology transfer and technical assistance
A targeted global asset freeze and travel ban on Iranian individuals and entities
Authorisation for countries to inspect Iran Air Cargo and Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines cargoes for banned goods
A worker is categorised as skilled by the MOHRE based on nine levels given in the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO) issued by the International Labour Organisation.
A skilled worker would be someone at a professional level (levels 1 – 5) which includes managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals, clerical support workers, and service and sales workers.
The worker must also have an attested educational certificate higher than secondary or an equivalent certification, and earn a monthly salary of at least Dh4,000.
US PGA Championship in numbers
1 Joost Luiten produced a memorable hole in one at the par-three fourth in the first round.
2 To date, the only two players to win the PGA Championship after winning the week before are Rory McIlroy (2014 WGC-Bridgestone Invitational) and Tiger Woods (2007, WGC-Bridgestone Invitational). Hideki Matsuyama or Chris Stroud could have made it three.
3 Number of seasons without a major for McIlroy, who finished in a tie for 22nd.
4 Louis Oosthuizen has now finished second in all four of the game's major championships.
5 In the fifth hole of the final round, McIlroy holed his longest putt of the week - from 16ft 8in - for birdie.
6 For the sixth successive year, play was disrupted by bad weather with a delay of one hour and 43 minutes on Friday.
7 Seven under par (64) was the best round of the week, shot by Matsuyama and Francesco Molinari on Day 2.
8 Number of shots taken by Jason Day on the 18th hole in round three after a risky recovery shot backfired.
9 Jon Rahm's age in months the last time Phil Mickelson missed the cut in the US PGA, in 1995.
10 Jimmy Walker's opening round as defending champion was a 10-over-par 81.
11 The par-four 11th coincidentally ranked as the 11th hardest hole overall with a scoring average of 4.192.
12 Paul Casey was a combined 12 under par for his first round in this year's majors.
13 The average world ranking of the last 13 PGA winners before this week was 25. Kevin Kisner began the week ranked 25th.
14 The world ranking of Justin Thomas before his victory.
15 Of the top 15 players after 54 holes, only Oosthuizen had previously won a major.
16 The par-four 16th marks the start of Quail Hollow's so-called "Green Mile" of finishing holes, some of the toughest in golf.
17 The first round scoring average of the last 17 major champions was 67.2. Kisner and Thorbjorn Olesen shot 67 on day one at Quail Hollow.
18 For the first time in 18 majors, the eventual winner was over par after round one (Thomas shot 73).
Your UK residence status is assessed using the statutory residence test. While your residence status – ie where you live - is assessed every year, your domicile status is assessed over your lifetime.
Your domicile of origin generally comes from your parents and if your parents were not married, then it is decided by your father. Your domicile is generally the country your father considered his permanent home when you were born.
UK residents who have their permanent home ("domicile") outside the UK may not have to pay UK tax on foreign income. For example, they do not pay tax on foreign income or gains if they are less than £2,000 in the tax year and do not transfer that gain to a UK bank account.
A UK-domiciled person, however, is liable for UK tax on their worldwide income and gains when they are resident in the UK.
Difference between fractional ownership and timeshare
Although similar in its appearance, the concept of a fractional title deed is unlike that of a timeshare, which usually involves multiple investors buying “time” in a property whereby the owner has the right to occupation for a specified period of time in any year, as opposed to the actual real estate, said John Peacock, Head of Indirect Tax and Conveyancing, BSA Ahmad Bin Hezeem & Associates, a law firm.
