This week, a constitutional committee tasked with drafting Syria's post-war charter convened in Geneva, Switzerland to continue its deliberations. The committee is meeting under the auspices of the UN, and theoretically is supposed to represent Syrian society more broadly; it is made up in equal thirds ofindividuals nominated by the government, the opposition and representatives of civil society.
You would be forgiven, even as a Syria observer, if you had no idea why such a committee exists or what the point of its meetings are. The committee gives life to the cliche that you can kill the prospects of an issue of public import by forming a committee to debate it. Originally conceived six years ago, it took until 2018 for all sides to actually agree to create it, and then until September 2019 to agree on its members. The war, of course, continued during these negotiations, sealing President Bashar Al Assad’s victory while the UN-backed theatrics continued.
Since then, the meetings have achieved nothing of import. After 16 months, the UN's special envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, said in his opening remarks at this week's convention that it was time finally to move from talking about things to actually writing some elements of this mercurial constitution down. At this rate, they may be halfway through drafting the articles sometime in the middle of the decade. The lack of seriousness is reflected in the sessions themselves, which are largely consumed by issues of procedure, grandstanding and matters unrelated to the legal task at hand, such as the lifting of sanctions and the ongoing presence of foreign military powers on Syrian territory.
Our cartoonist Shadi Ghanim's take on the process under way to write Syria's new constitution.
The committee is part of a package of reforms that might better be categorised as facelifts for the Assad regime, which has presided over a decade of war that displaced half the country's population and killed more than half a million people, and ushered in an era of economic ruin pockmarked with American and western sanctions that have made reconstruction impossible even as the regime has won the war. These reforms also included sham parliamentary elections and a planned presidential vote this year, the winner of which is pre-ordained. The steps were meant as confidence-building measures that would eventually pave the way for a rapprochement with Europe, the lifting of EU sanctions and the influx of funds for economic recovery.
Naturally, the regime has seen absolutely no need to compromise with its opponents while it stands victorious and enjoys the backing of its Russian and Iranian allies, which is why none of these laudable ideas have been of consequence. Instead, it has turned into a ceremonial charade. As Syria's now-deceased foreign minister Walid Al Muallem once said: "We will drown them in the details."
There also appear to be no other obvious prospects for a resolution in the immediate future. The coronavirus pandemic has ravaged Syria, but has also largely paused any major military offensives, leaving the civilians caught up in the war in a kind of twilight zone as the country and economy continue to unravel around them. The status quo has held because there is no alternative, but it is also not sustainable for the country to remain in this purgatory forever, especially as the misery of poverty and want replaces that of conflict.
None of the major powers involved on the ground have seen a need to force the peace process forward, an endeavour in which the US has been absent for years under the Trump administration. The Caesar sanctions imposed on Syria are crippling and can potentially be a useful bargaining chip if negotiations resume during a Biden presidency, but it is too early to determine the new administration's policy towards Damascus.
The debate over a new constitution can be instrumental in fielding questions that have vexed Syrians throughout the conflict
But the lack of progress on the constitution is also disappointing and frustrating from a moral and humanitarian point of view. There is no world in which the Assad regime and its security apparatus preside over a genuine reformation of Syria's totalitarian state. Ten years of war and devastation have proven that they would rather have Syria burn than entertain the prospect.
And yet one must start somewhere. The debate over a new constitution can be instrumental in at least fielding many of the questions that have vexed Syrians throughout the conflict. Questions of governance, like whether a federal system can account for the varying needs of the provinces and ethnic minorities. Questions of identity, like the character of the state as an Arab polity. Questions around women’s equality, around the rights of minority groups in a multi-confessional society. Questions about the system of government and how it distributes power if the Assad clan ever gives up its hold on that power.
Syria’s long-term future depends on a serious accounting for the crimes that this generation and previous ones have endured, on reconciliation, on peace building, on the release of political prisoners, on genuine reform. But the first steps on the road must be taken for that to happen.
Kareem Shaheen is a veteran Middle East correspondent in Canada and a columnist for The National
Tightening the screw on rogue recruiters
The UAE overhauled the procedure to recruit housemaids and domestic workers with a law in 2017 to protect low-income labour from being exploited.
Only recruitment companies authorised by the government are permitted as part of Tadbeer, a network of labour ministry-regulated centres.
A contract must be drawn up for domestic workers, the wages and job offer clearly stating the nature of work.
The contract stating the wages, work entailed and accommodation must be sent to the employee in their home country before they depart for the UAE.
The contract will be signed by the employer and employee when the domestic worker arrives in the UAE.
Only recruitment agencies registered with the ministry can undertake recruitment and employment applications for domestic workers.
Penalties for illegal recruitment in the UAE include fines of up to Dh100,000 and imprisonment
But agents not authorised by the government sidestep the law by illegally getting women into the country on visit visas.
UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Sector/About: Entrupy is a hardware-enabled SaaS company whose mission is to protect businesses, borders and consumers from transactions involving counterfeit goods.
Initial investment/Investors: Entrupy secured a $2.6m Series A funding round in 2017. The round was led by Tokyo-based Digital Garage and Daiwa Securities Group's jointly established venture arm, DG Lab Fund I Investment Limited Partnership, along with Zach Coelius.
Total customers: Entrupy’s customers include hundreds of secondary resellers, marketplaces and other retail organisations around the world. They are also testing with shipping companies as well as customs agencies to stop fake items from reaching the market in the first place.
Fraudsters send an unsolicited email that appears to be from a financial institution or online retailer. The hoax email requests that you provide sensitive information, often by clicking on to a link leading to a fake website.
2) Smishing
The SMS equivalent of phishing. Fraudsters falsify the telephone number through “text spoofing,” so that it appears to be a genuine text from the bank.
3) Vishing
The telephone equivalent of phishing and smishing. Fraudsters may pose as bank staff, police or government officials. They may persuade the consumer to transfer money or divulge personal information.
4) SIM swap
Fraudsters duplicate the SIM of your mobile number without your knowledge or authorisation, allowing them to conduct financial transactions with your bank.
5) Identity theft
Someone illegally obtains your confidential information, through various ways, such as theft of your wallet, bank and utility bill statements, computer intrusion and social networks.
6) Prize scams
Fraudsters claiming to be authorised representatives from well-known organisations (such as Etisalat, du, Dubai Shopping Festival, Expo2020, Lulu Hypermarket etc) contact victims to tell them they have won a cash prize and request them to share confidential banking details to transfer the prize money.
A fuel tax protest by French drivers appealed to wider anti-government sentiment
Unlike previous French demonstrations there was no trade union or organised movement involved
Demonstrators responded to online petitions and flooded squares to block traffic
At its height there were almost 300,000 on the streets in support
Named after the high visibility jackets that drivers must keep in cars
Clashes soon turned violent as thousands fought with police at cordons
An estimated two dozen people lost eyes and many others were admitted to hospital
Know before you go
Jebel Akhdar is a two-hour drive from Muscat airport or a six-hour drive from Dubai. It’s impossible to visit by car unless you have a 4x4. Phone ahead to the hotel to arrange a transfer.
If you’re driving, make sure your insurance covers Oman.
By air: Budget airlines Air Arabia, Flydubai and SalamAir offer direct routes to Muscat from the UAE.
Tourists from the Emirates (UAE nationals not included) must apply for an Omani visa online before arrival at evisa.rop.gov.om. The process typically takes several days.
Flash floods are probable due to the terrain and a lack of drainage. Always check the weather before venturing into any canyons or other remote areas and identify a plan of escape that includes high ground, shelter and parking where your car won’t be overtaken by sudden downpours.
