As a new government begins its term in Tunisia, the leadership faces a potent combination of challenges that have the potential to derail some of the progress made since January 2011, when the country began its transition to democratic rule. From an economy wracked by the Covid-19 pandemic, to growing political polarisation, to persistent corruption, Tunisia's political future remains uncertain.
Tunisia has fared relatively well during the pandemic, initiating severe lockdown measures early on that helped keep the number of cases down. While the country has seen an uptick in cases following the reopening of the land, air and sea borders on June 27, the number of cases (more than 8,000 cases and at least 129 deaths as of Thursday) remains low compared to other Mediterranean countries. But the damage Covid-19 has brought to Tunisia is far greater than the disease casualties. Rather, the pandemic has left Tunisia with an unemployment rate of 20 per cent, GDP growth rate expected to decline by 7 per cent this year and a tourism industry a shambles.
Even prior to the pandemic, Tunisia’s economy was fragile and had just started showing signs of positive growth, with some of the best economic figures since the 2010-2011 uprisings. But the pandemic has spoiled much of the good news, making it imperative that the new government prioritise reform aimed at addressing economic growth and levelling the playing field for the country’s traditionally marginalised interior and southern regions, which have suffered disproportionately during the pandemic.
On September 2, the Tunisian parliament approved Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi's government. This is the 12th government since 2011 and the third attempt at government formation since the October 2019 elections that brought this parliament into power. Habib Jemli, who was tasked by the largest party in Parliament, the Islamist Ennahda, to form a government, failed to secure enough votes to move forward. His successor, Elyes Fakhfakh, was chosen by President Kais Saied in January and secured a vote of confidence in his government the following month, leaving the country without a functioning cabinet for four months. But Mr Fakhfakh's government was short-lived, and he was forced out by the President in July.
Mr Saied's choice of Mr Mechichi as Prime Minister surprised many within the political establishment, as he was not one of the candidates put forth by a political party. And while he had some previous governing experience, his most important quality seems to be that of his close ties to Mr Saied. Mr Mechichi is one of Mr Saied's advisers and had served, briefly, as interior minister in the previous government. His appointment signalled that Mr Saied is looking to tighten his control over the government and siphon power away from Ennahda, the controlling party within government, from whom the President has grown increasingly distant over the past few months.
And Mr Mechichi’s choices seem to have echoed his own selection. Rather than cobbling together a government representing various party interests, he chose to arrange a “technocratic” government, with ministers selected based on their technical skills, instead of political affiliation. While some ministers come from the bureaucracy, others are Saied loyalists, including some of the most high-profile posts. The Minister of Interior, for example, is a private lawyer who had served as a campaign co-ordinator for Mr Saied. The Minister of Defence is a former law professor, like Mr Saied. And the Minister of Foreign Affairs is one of his former diplomatic advisers.
Mr Mechichi’s decision to de-politicise the government could be a smart move. Mr Fakhfakh’s government failed, in part, due to growing polarisation. The October 2019 elections brought a whopping 31 parties into parliament, with the two largest parties – Ennahda and Qalb Tounes – holding only 24 and 18 per cent of seats, respectively. This reflects both the high amount of dissatisfaction of the public with the political establishment, particularly traditional parties, and the growing political polarisation within the country.
One trend that is both a result of and contributes to the weakness of political parties is the phenomenon of party tourism, where political figures jump from one party to another in order to stay in power. Additionally, parties tend to quickly shift their alliances, making it difficult to discern what a party actually stands for. For example, Ennahda and Qalb Tounes, which entered 2020 as political foes, with Ennahda vociferously condemning Qalb Tounes for its ties to corruption, have now turned into allies, united by their shared animosity toward President Saied.
The political landscape has also suffered from growing polarisation, which has manifested itself in sometimes violent interactions between politicians within the halls of parliament. Some of the most vicious attacks have been lobbied between the Karama Party, a conservative Islamist party pushing for a larger role of religion within the state, and Abir Moussi’s Free Destourian Party, made up largely of supporters of the former regime, who are fed up with the democratic transition. While the fight is often framed as a secularist-Islamist divide, the reality is far more complex, with fights over religion as well as the Tunisian identity and deeper social issues.
Regardless of the cause, the polarisation and fractured political landscape have made governing difficult and led to little likelihood that parliament or the government will be able to come to agreement on the issues necessary to fix the socio-economic problems that are plaguing the country.
Another major issue facing Tunisia today is the persistence of corruption – one of the key causes of the uprisings. While the country has made tremendous strides in dismantling the mafia-like structures that dominated the Ben Ali era, corruption has become democratised and many of the practices that allowed corruption to flourish have yet to change. The sole issue on which Mr Saied campaigned in the presidential race was fighting corruption. Thus, he has taken a particularly strong interest in this issue. And Mr Fakhfakh was brought down by corruption allegations, despite winning praise from Tunisians for his handling of the pandemic.
The Fakhfakh affair spiralled into a larger contest between him and the National Anti-Corruption Body. In what many saw as a retaliatory measure, Mr Fakhfakh fired its head, Chawki Tabib, who initially refused to leave his post, citing impropriety in his dismissal. Mr Mechichi and his government will need to work closely with the new head, Imed Boukhris, to keep the anti-corruption fight moving forward. This is an issue that Mr Saied continues to watch closely. Most recently, he established of his own committee to fight corruption and recover stolen assets. The committee will be houseed under the presidency, despite corruption falling clearly under the mandate of the prime minister, signalling that even with his close ties to Mr Mechichi, he wants to maintain strict control over the anti-corruption agenda.
Tunisia is embarking on a critical period. December will mark the 10th anniversary of the revolution and will shine a spotlight on the country's successes – and failures – of the past decade. As the second decade of transition begins, there are several signs of hope. First, the continued pride Tunisians, particularly youth, have in their country's accomplishments and dedication to the principles of the revolution shows that the public will not easily turn its back on the democratic transition. Second, despite its challenges, Tunisia continues to serve as a beacon of hope for people across the Arab world, both as a haven for freedom of speech and expression and a potent and living symbol that democracy can flourish in the Arab world.
However, passion, pride and hope are not sufficient to sustain a transition or boost the economy. Rather, Tunisia's new leaders should figure out a way to put politics aside and take on the difficult tasks necessary to thrust their country into the next decade as a healthy democracy.
Sarah Yerkes is a senior fellow in Carnegie’s Middle East Programme
Our family matters legal consultant
Name: Hassan Mohsen Elhais
Position: legal consultant with Al Rowaad Advocates and Legal Consultants.
Key findings of Jenkins report
- Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al Banna, "accepted the political utility of violence"
- Views of key Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Qutb, have “consistently been understood” as permitting “the use of extreme violence in the pursuit of the perfect Islamic society” and “never been institutionally disowned” by the movement.
- Muslim Brotherhood at all levels has repeatedly defended Hamas attacks against Israel, including the use of suicide bombers and the killing of civilians.
- Laying out the report in the House of Commons, David Cameron told MPs: "The main findings of the review support the conclusion that membership of, association with, or influence by the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered as a possible indicator of extremism."
States of Passion by Nihad Sirees,
Pushkin Press
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RESULTS
Bantamweight: Victor Nunes (BRA) beat Azizbek Satibaldiev (KYG). Round 1 KO
Featherweight: Izzeddin Farhan (JOR) beat Ozodbek Azimov (UZB). Round 1 rear naked choke
Middleweight: Zaakir Badat (RSA) beat Ercin Sirin (TUR). Round 1 triangle choke
Featherweight: Ali Alqaisi (JOR) beat Furkatbek Yokubov (UZB). Round 1 TKO
Featherweight: Abu Muslim Alikhanov (RUS) beat Atabek Abdimitalipov (KYG). Unanimous decision
Catchweight 74kg: Mirafzal Akhtamov (UZB) beat Marcos Costa (BRA). Split decision
Welterweight: Andre Fialho (POR) beat Sang Hoon-yu (KOR). Round 1 TKO
Lightweight: John Mitchell (IRE) beat Arbi Emiev (RUS). Round 2 RSC (deep cuts)
Middleweight: Gianni Melillo (ITA) beat Mohammed Karaki (LEB)
Welterweight: Handesson Ferreira (BRA) beat Amiran Gogoladze (GEO). Unanimous decision
Flyweight (Female): Carolina Jimenez (VEN) beat Lucrezia Ria (ITA), Round 1 rear naked choke
Welterweight: Daniel Skibinski (POL) beat Acoidan Duque (ESP). Round 3 TKO
Lightweight: Martun Mezhlumyan (ARM) beat Attila Korkmaz (TUR). Unanimous decision
Bantamweight: Ray Borg (USA) beat Jesse Arnett (CAN). Unanimous decision
Tips from the expert
Dobromir Radichkov, chief data officer at dubizzle and Bayut, offers a few tips for UAE residents looking to earn some cash from pre-loved items.
- Sellers should focus on providing high-quality used goods at attractive prices to buyers.
- It’s important to use clear and appealing photos, with catchy titles and detailed descriptions to capture the attention of prospective buyers.
- Try to advertise a realistic price to attract buyers looking for good deals, especially in the current environment where consumers are significantly more price-sensitive.
- Be creative and look around your home for valuable items that you no longer need but might be useful to others.
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EMERGENCY PHONE NUMBERS
Estijaba – 8001717 – number to call to request coronavirus testing
Ministry of Health and Prevention – 80011111
Dubai Health Authority – 800342 – The number to book a free video or voice consultation with a doctor or connect to a local health centre
Emirates airline – 600555555
Etihad Airways – 600555666
Ambulance – 998
Knowledge and Human Development Authority – 8005432 ext. 4 for Covid-19 queries
The specs: 2018 Ford Mustang GT
Price, base / as tested: Dh204,750 / Dh241,500
Engine: 5.0-litre V8
Gearbox: 10-speed automatic
Power: 460hp @ 7,000rpm
Torque: 569Nm @ 4,600rpm
Fuel economy, combined: 10.3L / 100km
South Africa squad
Faf du Plessis (captain), Hashim Amla, Temba Bavuma, Quinton de Kock (wicketkeeper), Theunis de Bruyn, AB de Villiers, Dean Elgar, Heinrich Klaasen (wicketkeeper), Keshav Maharaj, Aiden Markram, Morne Morkel, Wiaan Mulder, Lungi Ngidi, Vernon Philander and Kagiso Rabada.
Ronaldo's record at Man Utd
Seasons 2003/04 - 2008/09
Appearances 230
Goals 115
The specs
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- Torque: 760nm
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Specs
Engine: Dual-motor all-wheel-drive electric
Range: Up to 610km
Power: 905hp
Torque: 985Nm
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Available: Now
Auron Mein Kahan Dum Tha
Starring: Ajay Devgn, Tabu, Shantanu Maheshwari, Jimmy Shergill, Saiee Manjrekar
Director: Neeraj Pandey
Rating: 2.5/5
Indoor Cricket World Cup Dubai 2017
Venue Insportz, Dubai; Admission Free
Day 1 fixtures (Saturday)
Men 1.45pm, Malaysia v Australia (Court 1); Singapore v India (Court 2); UAE v New Zealand (Court 3); South Africa v Sri Lanka (Court 4)
Women Noon, New Zealand v South Africa (Court 3); England v UAE (Court 4); 5.15pm, Australia v UAE (Court 3); England v New Zealand (Court 4)
UPI facts
More than 2.2 million Indian tourists arrived in UAE in 2023
More than 3.5 million Indians reside in UAE
Indian tourists can make purchases in UAE using rupee accounts in India through QR-code-based UPI real-time payment systems
Indian residents in UAE can use their non-resident NRO and NRE accounts held in Indian banks linked to a UAE mobile number for UPI transactions
Kandahar%20
%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3EDirector%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%20Ric%20Roman%20Waugh%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3EStars%3A%C2%A0%3C%2Fstrong%3EGerard%20Butler%2C%20Navid%20Negahban%2C%20Ali%20Fazal%3C%2Fp%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%3Cstrong%3ERating%3A%3C%2Fstrong%3E%202.5%2F5%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
Citadel: Honey Bunny first episode
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'Laal Kaptaan'
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Rating: 2/5
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Spring break will be from March 8 - 19
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Teaching hours will be 8am to 2pm during distance learning
Pupils will return to school for normal lessons from April 5
Conflict, drought, famine
Estimates of the number of deaths caused by the famine range from 400,000 to 1 million, according to a document prepared for the UK House of Lords in 2024.
It has been claimed that the policies of the Ethiopian government, which took control after deposing Emperor Haile Selassie in a military-led revolution in 1974, contributed to the scale of the famine.
Dr Miriam Bradley, senior lecturer in humanitarian studies at the University of Manchester, has argued that, by the early 1980s, “several government policies combined to cause, rather than prevent, a famine which lasted from 1983 to 1985. Mengistu’s government imposed Stalinist-model agricultural policies involving forced collectivisation and villagisation [relocation of communities into planned villages].
The West became aware of the catastrophe through a series of BBC News reports by journalist Michael Buerk in October 1984 describing a “biblical famine” and containing graphic images of thousands of people, including children, facing starvation.
Band Aid
Bob Geldof, singer with the Irish rock group The Boomtown Rats, formed Band Aid in response to the horrific images shown in the news broadcasts.
With Midge Ure of the band Ultravox, he wrote the hit charity single Do They Know it’s Christmas in December 1984, featuring a string of high-profile musicians.
Following the single’s success, the idea to stage a rock concert evolved.
Live Aid was a series of simultaneous concerts that took place at Wembley Stadium in London, John F Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, the US, and at various other venues across the world.
The combined event was broadcast to an estimated worldwide audience of 1.5 billion.
Trump v Khan
2016: Feud begins after Khan criticised Trump’s proposed Muslim travel ban to US
2017: Trump criticises Khan’s ‘no reason to be alarmed’ response to London Bridge terror attacks
2019: Trump calls Khan a “stone cold loser” before first state visit
2019: Trump tweets about “Khan’s Londonistan”, calling him “a national disgrace”
2022: Khan’s office attributes rise in Islamophobic abuse against the major to hostility stoked during Trump’s presidency
July 2025 During a golfing trip to Scotland, Trump calls Khan “a nasty person”
Sept 2025 Trump blames Khan for London’s “stabbings and the dirt and the filth”.
Dec 2025 Trump suggests migrants got Khan elected, calls him a “horrible, vicious, disgusting mayor”
Ticket prices
General admission Dh295 (under-three free)
Buy a four-person Family & Friends ticket and pay for only three tickets, so the fourth family member is free
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Company Profile
Company name: NutriCal
Started: 2019
Founder: Soniya Ashar
Based: Dubai
Industry: Food Technology
Initial investment: Self-funded undisclosed amount
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Total Clients: Over 50
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