How the watermelon became a symbol of Palestinian resistance


Alexandra Chaves
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  • Arabic

Red, black, white and green – the colours of the Palestinian flag… and of watermelons. After the Arab-Israeli War in 1967, Israel prohibited the display of the Palestinian flag and its colours in Gaza and the West Bank, and it is said the Israeli army arrested or harassed anyone who tried to do so. As a form of protest, the story goes, activists would carry around slices of watermelon instead.

The story has become a bit of a contemporary myth, proliferated recently on social media, with its true origins buried in various retellings and reposts.

As far as the facts go, a military order from Israeli forces did prohibit the right of assembly and publication related to political matters or what could be interpreted as political, including the bearing of national symbols.

A report in The New York Times from October 1993, weeks after the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation – which gave birth to the Palestinian Authority and also lifted the ban on the flag – briefly references arrests linked to carrying the fruit.

"In the Gaza Strip, where young men were once arrested for carrying sliced watermelons – thus displaying the red, black and green Palestinian colours – soldiers stand by, blase, as processions march by waving the once-banned flag," the report states. The paper later retracted the detail, stating that they could not confirm the watermelon incident.

Another story involves artists Sliman Mansour, Nabil Anani and Issam Badr, whose exhibition at 79 Gallery in 1980 was shut down by the Israeli army as the artworks were deemed political and bore the Palestinian flag and its colours. Confronting the officer, Badr asked, “What if I just want to paint a watermelon?”, to which he replied, “It would be confiscated”.

Mansour, now in his seventies and living in Birzeit, remembers the incident, but clarified a few details for The National. He recalls that the exhibition in 79 Gallery was open for only three hours before soldiers cleared out the space and locked it up. Two weeks later, Israeli officers summoned the three artists, warning them to stop producing political paintings, and perhaps paint flowers instead.

“They told us that painting the Palestinian flag was forbidden, but also the colours were forbidden. So Issam said, ‘What if I were to make a flower of red, green, black and white?’, to which the officer replied angrily, ‘It will be confiscated. Even if you paint a watermelon, it will be confiscated.’ So the watermelon was mentioned, but by the Israeli officer,” Mansour explains.

He does not recall artists during this period using the watermelon as a political motif in their work.

Beesan Arafat (@beesanarafat on Instagram), Palestinian-Jordanian artist in England, depicts a slice of watermelon on a Hebron plate. Courtesy the artist
Beesan Arafat (@beesanarafat on Instagram), Palestinian-Jordanian artist in England, depicts a slice of watermelon on a Hebron plate. Courtesy the artist

In some ways, the veracity of these narratives are now secondary, as artists have adopted the fruit as a symbol of the Palestinian struggle.

The first example can be traced back to Khaled Hourani, who had heard a version of Mansour’s story and painted a slice of watermelon for the Subjective Atlas of Palestine project in 2007. His work later travelled around the world, including Scotland, France, Jordan, Lebanon and Egypt. Hourani has also held art workshops centred around the work at schools in Ramallah.

In recent weeks, following the destruction and death in Gaza, online support for Palestine has amplified the conversation around Palestinian rights and the decades-long Israeli occupation. Along with the rise of online campaigns, Hourani's work has received newfound attention that he says is overwhelming, with hundreds of messages pouring in.

Artist Khaled Hourani first used the watermelon in his work for the Atlas of Palestine Project in 2007. Khaled Hourani
Artist Khaled Hourani first used the watermelon in his work for the Atlas of Palestine Project in 2007. Khaled Hourani

“For me, it was kind of sudden. This is just one of my projects, which was not as successful or widespread as it is right now,” he says. “It’s a unique kind of solidarity… It’s very powerful. I honestly don’t know how to deal with it. Some people are getting it as a tattoo, some are making patterns for clothes, putting it on flags, different mediums. I’m happy that it brings attention to the Palestinian cause.”

Sarah Hatahet, a Jordanian illustrator who lives in Abu Dhabi, has created her own watermelon artwork after coming across Hourani’s on social media. Others, such as Sami Boukhari, who lives in Jaffa, Aya Mobaydeen in Amman, Beesan Arafat in England, have also drawn upon the tale of the watermelon and shared their artwork on social media.

Hourani describes the support for Palestine online, particularly from younger generations, as harbouring a kind of “magic”.

“People around the world are standing up and saying that the occupation has to come to an end. This is a historical moment. As an artist, as a human being, I feel honoured that my work is being used as a tool or is a part of this driving force,” he says.

'Watermelon Resistance' by Jordanian artist Sarah Hatahet.
'Watermelon Resistance' by Jordanian artist Sarah Hatahet.

Resistance through art has a long-standing history in Palestine, but so do attacks on Palestinian culture – not only in the form of censorship, such as the ban on national symbols, but also of graver instances of closures, confiscations, arrests and destruction of property.

Even in the 79 Gallery incident recounted by Mansour, he recalls that two paintings had gone missing by the time the Israeli officers allowed the artists to return to the space and the exhibition never reopened.

A most recent example is the raid on Dar Yusuf Nasri Jacir for Art and Research, or Dar Jacir, in Bethlehem.

“In the 1970s several art centres in Ramallah were also destroyed by Israeli forces,” says art historian Salwa Mikdadi. “What they did to Dar Jacir is not new. This has been repeated over and over again.”

Mikdadi, who has curated several exhibitions, including Palestine's first exhibition for the Venice Biennale in 2009, teaches at New York University Abu Dhabi and has written extensively about Arab and Palestinian art.

Some people even deny our existence, deny Palestinian culture and identity, so art fights this. It gives a home for the homeless

She says that the targeting of artists and cultural spaces is a tactic used by occupying forces to erase identity.

“Clearly they wanted to dehumanise the Palestinians, make them a people without a culture, without a past. It is a rich culture that goes back centuries. So for them, culture is a very dangerous tool in the hands of Palestinians. It’s a medium that has proved to be more much more successful than politicians in how they effect change from the audiences around the world.”

Mansour thinks similarly. “Some people even deny our existence, deny Palestinian culture and identity, so art fights this. It gives a home for the homeless,” he says.

The artist's work, such as the 1973 painting Camel of Hardship, is among the most recognisable in Arab art, along with his depictions of peasants and women in traditional dress.

During the First Intifada, Mansour and other artists led the New Vision movement, which upheld the idea of self-reliance.

“The main philosophy of the First Intifada was to boycott Israeli products and rely on ourselves,” he says. “People were planting vegetables in their gardens so as not to buy anything from Israel. We thought, ‘Why don’t we do the same as artists? Why should we buy paint from Israeli shops and then use it to paint against them?’”.

He turned to materials such as mud and straw, joined by artists such as Nabil Anani and Tayseer Barakat, who used henna, vegetable dyes and other natural materials.

‘Woman Picking Olives’, by Palestinian artist Sliman Mansour. Courtesy Zawyeh Gallery
‘Woman Picking Olives’, by Palestinian artist Sliman Mansour. Courtesy Zawyeh Gallery

Today, despite the dispossession and destruction, a small sliver of progress, perhaps, is a renewed global conversation around the occupation, and growing support for Palestine expressed by cultural institutions worldwide.

These include a call for solidarity with Palestine by The Mosaic Rooms in London, signed by artists and organisations, as well as the ongoing Visual Arts for Palestine campaign.

On Tuesday, the International Biennial Association, for which the board of directors includes key leaders from the Sharjah Biennial, Istanbul Biennial, Berlin Bienniale, Kochi Biennale Foundation and the Gwangju Biennale Foundation, have also put out a statement of support.

“Social media has made a very strong impact, much more so than when communications were controlled by the occupier. Now they don’t have control over that,” Mikdadi explains.

“Before, the Palestinians’ voices were hardly ever heard. They were interpreted by correspondents and journalists. Now this is a direct communication, and the speed with which these messages are distributed around the world is phenomenal. It’s extraordinary for us who lived through earlier times…

“The world is so interconnected now, people can see for themselves what’s happening.”

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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Yemen's Bahais and the charges they often face

The Baha'i faith was made known in Yemen in the 19th century, first introduced by an Iranian man named Ali Muhammad Al Shirazi, considered the Herald of the Baha'i faith in 1844.

The Baha'i faith has had a growing number of followers in recent years despite persecution in Yemen and Iran. 

Today, some 2,000 Baha'is reside in Yemen, according to Insaf. 

"The 24 defendants represented by the House of Justice, which has intelligence outfits from the uS and the UK working to carry out an espionage scheme in Yemen under the guise of religion.. aimed to impant and found the Bahai sect on Yemeni soil by bringing foreign Bahais from abroad and homing them in Yemen," the charge sheet said. 

Baha'Ullah, the founder of the Bahai faith, was exiled by the Ottoman Empire in 1868 from Iran to what is now Israel. Now, the Bahai faith's highest governing body, known as the Universal House of Justice, is based in the Israeli city of Haifa, which the Bahais turn towards during prayer. 

The Houthis cite this as collective "evidence" of Bahai "links" to Israel - which the Houthis consider their enemy. 

 

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Who's who in Yemen conflict

Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government

Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council

Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south

Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory

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