India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden in New Delhi in September 2023. AFP
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden in New Delhi in September 2023. AFP
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden in New Delhi in September 2023. AFP
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden in New Delhi in September 2023. AFP


How India-US relations could change after the 2024 elections


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May 08, 2024

This year the US and India are both holding national elections, the outcomes of which will shape the trajectory of relations between the two nations for at least half a decade. Barring a surprise, victory appears likely for the governing Bharatiya Janata Party in the Indian general election, while the outcome of the US presidential race is a toss-up.

Voters in both countries are choosing more than just a leader or party; they are also voting between markedly different styles of interaction with the rest of the world. But just how different would the relationship between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden be from the one between Mr Modi and Mr Biden’s primary challenger, Donald Trump? Mr Modi has worked with both presidents, and Indo-American relations have been strengthened under both administrations. However, the trends suggest that while the points of convergence between the two governments in both cases will probably be similar, the points of friction will differ significantly.

This is important, given the gradual shift in the centre of gravity of the relationship between the two countries.

For more than a decade, the force driving increased Indo-American co-operation was a shared concern about China’s increasing strength and assertiveness. But now India is the fastest-growing large economy in the world, while China is seen by some countries as an increasingly risky investment destination. As a result, Wall Street is making big bets on India, viewing it as an exciting new frontier. New Delhi is keen to facilitate this, given its goal to become the world’s third-largest economy before the end of the decade.

In other words, the business and financial sectors in both countries are counting on each other to generate the growth and development they need. Shifting the driver from government to the private sector means that the relationship is likely to be less sensitive to who is in power in Washington and New Delhi. This growing economic interdependence is also constructive because it frees the relationship from a reliance on shared reactions to third parties such as Beijing.

Aircraft carriers and warships taking part in the Malabar joint naval exercise involving India, the US, Japan and Australia, in the northern Arabian Sea in 2020. AP
Aircraft carriers and warships taking part in the Malabar joint naval exercise involving India, the US, Japan and Australia, in the northern Arabian Sea in 2020. AP
The Indo-American strategic partnership is growing beyond a shared suspicion of China

Secondly, the strategic partnership is growing beyond a shared suspicion of China.

Both countries depend on security in the Indian Ocean region. But with neither power able to manage the challenges – ranging from piracy to disaster relief, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, extremism and cybersecurity – on its own, they have increasingly come to rely on each other. India’s growing use of American weapons systems is also creating its own dynamic, deepening and broadening contact between the two militaries, while increasing interoperability.

These avenues have managed to offset some areas of difference, such as India’s energy relationship with Russia and its official position of neutrality on the Ukraine war.

As noted earlier, however, there are also likely to be serious differences during a second Trump or Biden term, but these differences will be specific to the ideological commitments of the two contenders.

For Mr Trump, the sticking point will undoubtedly be trade. Both he and Mr Modi are promising to revive their countries’ manufacturing sectors to bring economic security to their working-class masses. The difference, though, is that Mr Modi is counting on doing it through an increase in exports (that is, free trade), while Mr Trump has a strong preference for protectionism.

The Indo-US trade deal foundered on these rocks during Mr Trump’s first term. And while the Biden administration has entered into deals with New Delhi, Mr Trump has shown his willingness to walk away from agreements signed by his predecessors. Some of the progress made, therefore, could very well be undone, without any guarantees of success in the renegotiation process.

More Indian firms than ever are looking to the US as a source of technology and customers, not just investment. A second Trump term would probably slow the pace of India’s integration into US supply chains. This would be an enormous opportunity cost for India in particular.

Another sticking point in a second Trump term is likely to be migration. The former president is in favour of reducing all immigration to the US, including highly skilled workers. This is something that will especially affect India with its large reservoir of university graduates and sizeable first-generation diaspora. Senior figures within the Trump circle have even publicly expressed concerns about the number of Indian-born chief executives, particularly in the tech sector.

As president, Donald Trump drew the US closer to India. Reuters
As president, Donald Trump drew the US closer to India. Reuters

Given that India’s most serious unemployment problem is among university-educated urban youth, curbs on foreign recruitment could have economic ramifications. It is also likely to have an adverse impact on US favourability in Indian public opinion, which in turn could pose problems for New Delhi’s security policy alignment with Washington.

On the other hand, a second Biden administration could experience increased frictions with a third Modi term over what can broadly be classed as “values”. Although Mr Modi is enormously popular in large parts of India, his governance style has polarised opinion in the country on a range of issues, from neoliberal economic reforms to crackdowns on opposition parties to overt religiosity in the public sphere.

These are issues that greatly trouble the progressive wing of Mr Biden’s Democratic Party, as well as liberal American institutions. Although the Biden administration, like the Modi government, has worked hard to insulate the strategic relationship from some of the wedge issues, the fundamental difference in ideological perceptions between the two governing parties’ voter bases will be hard to avoid. Any criticism of New Delhi will be seen by Modi supporters as an affront both to their leader and to their country.

In contrast, a second Trump administration is unlikely to express any opinion at all on cultural and social issues, unless it involves India’s evangelical Christian communities.

Given these circumstances, America’s relationship with India could increasingly come to resemble its relationships with some of its allies and partners in the Middle East, wherein deep economic and security ties coexist with seemingly intractable political differences. This is a situation where a mix of personal relations and mutual strategic dependence forms the basis of a long-term, world-shaping partnership.

However, what the path towards such a partnership is going to look like is far from set right now – it isn’t something to be negotiated by diplomats at summits but, rather, by voters at the ballot box over successive elections.

So what is Spicy Chickenjoy?

Just as McDonald’s has the Big Mac, Jollibee has Spicy Chickenjoy – a piece of fried chicken that’s crispy and spicy on the outside and comes with a side of spaghetti, all covered in tomato sauce and topped with sausage slices and ground beef. It sounds like a recipe that a child would come up with, but perhaps that’s the point – a flavourbomb combination of cheap comfort foods. Chickenjoy is Jollibee’s best-selling product in every country in which it has a presence.
 

Army of the Dead

Director: Zack Snyder

Stars: Dave Bautista, Ella Purnell, Omari Hardwick, Ana de la Reguera

Three stars

GAC GS8 Specs

Engine: 2.0-litre 4cyl turbo

Power: 248hp at 5,200rpm

Torque: 400Nm at 1,750-4,000rpm

Transmission: 8-speed auto

Fuel consumption: 9.1L/100km

On sale: Now

Price: From Dh149,900

Specs

Engine: 51.5kW electric motor

Range: 400km

Power: 134bhp

Torque: 175Nm

Price: From Dh98,800

Available: Now

PROFILE OF SWVL

Started: April 2017

Founders: Mostafa Kandil, Ahmed Sabbah and Mahmoud Nouh

Based: Cairo, Egypt

Sector: transport

Size: 450 employees

Investment: approximately $80 million

Investors include: Dubai’s Beco Capital, US’s Endeavor Catalyst, China’s MSA, Egypt’s Sawari Ventures, Sweden’s Vostok New Ventures, Property Finder CEO Michael Lahyani

T20 WORLD CUP QUALIFIER

Results

UAE beat Nigeria by five wickets

Hong Kong beat Canada by 32 runs

Friday fixtures

10am, Tolerance Oval, Abu Dhabi – Ireland v Jersey

7.30pm, Zayed Cricket Stadium, Abu Dhabi – Canada v Oman

Wicked: For Good

Director: Jon M Chu

Starring: Ariana Grande, Cynthia Erivo, Jonathan Bailey, Jeff Goldblum, Michelle Yeoh, Ethan Slater

Rating: 4/5

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
The%20Genius%20of%20Their%20Age
%3Cp%3EAuthor%3A%20S%20Frederick%20Starr%3Cbr%3EPublisher%3A%20Oxford%20University%20Press%3Cbr%3EPages%3A%20290%3Cbr%3EAvailable%3A%20January%2024%3C%2Fp%3E%0A
Classification of skills

A worker is categorised as skilled by the MOHRE based on nine levels given in the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO) issued by the International Labour Organisation. 

A skilled worker would be someone at a professional level (levels 1 – 5) which includes managers, professionals, technicians and associate professionals, clerical support workers, and service and sales workers.

The worker must also have an attested educational certificate higher than secondary or an equivalent certification, and earn a monthly salary of at least Dh4,000. 

The specs
  • Engine: 3.9-litre twin-turbo V8
  • Power: 640hp
  • Torque: 760nm
  • On sale: 2026
  • Price: Not announced yet
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ARM%20IPO%20DETAILS
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BLACKBERRY
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What vitamins do we know are beneficial for living in the UAE

Vitamin D: Highly relevant in the UAE due to limited sun exposure; supports bone health, immunity and mood.Vitamin B12: Important for nerve health and energy production, especially for vegetarians, vegans and individuals with absorption issues.Iron: Useful only when deficiency or anaemia is confirmed; helps reduce fatigue and support immunity.Omega-3 (EPA/DHA): Supports heart health and reduces inflammation, especially for those who consume little fish.

What drives subscription retailing?

Once the domain of newspaper home deliveries, subscription model retailing has combined with e-commerce to permeate myriad products and services.

The concept has grown tremendously around the world and is forecast to thrive further, according to UnivDatos Market Insights’ report on recent and predicted trends in the sector.

The global subscription e-commerce market was valued at $13.2 billion (Dh48.5bn) in 2018. It is forecast to touch $478.2bn in 2025, and include the entertainment, fitness, food, cosmetics, baby care and fashion sectors.

The report says subscription-based services currently constitute “a small trend within e-commerce”. The US hosts almost 70 per cent of recurring plan firms, including leaders Dollar Shave Club, Hello Fresh and Netflix. Walmart and Sephora are among longer established retailers entering the space.

UnivDatos cites younger and affluent urbanites as prime subscription targets, with women currently the largest share of end-users.

That’s expected to remain unchanged until 2025, when women will represent a $246.6bn market share, owing to increasing numbers of start-ups targeting women.

Personal care and beauty occupy the largest chunk of the worldwide subscription e-commerce market, with changing lifestyles, work schedules, customisation and convenience among the chief future drivers.

UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Sanju

Produced: Vidhu Vinod Chopra, Rajkumar Hirani

Director: Rajkumar Hirani

Cast: Ranbir Kapoor, Vicky Kaushal, Paresh Rawal, Anushka Sharma, Manish’s Koirala, Dia Mirza, Sonam Kapoor, Jim Sarbh, Boman Irani

Rating: 3.5 stars

Smart words at Make Smart Cool

Make Smart Cool is not your usual festival. Dubbed “edutainment” by organisers Najahi Events, Make Smart Cool aims to inspire its youthful target audience through a mix of interactive presentation by social media influencers and a concert finale featuring Example with DJ Wire. Here are some of the speakers sharing their inspiration and experiences on the night.
Prince Ea
With his social media videos accumulating more half a billion views, the American motivational speaker is hot on the college circuit in the US, with talks that focus on the many ways to generate passion and motivation when it comes to learning.
Khalid Al Ameri
The Emirati columnist and presenter is much loved by local youth, with writings and presentations about education, entrepreneurship and family balance. His lectures on career and personal development are sought after by the education and business sector.
Ben Ouattara
Born to an Ivorian father and German mother, the Dubai-based fitness instructor and motivational speaker is all about conquering fears and insecurities. His talk focuses on the need to gain emotional and physical fitness when facing life’s challenges. As well managing his film production company, Ouattara is one of the official ambassadors of Dubai Expo2020.

You Were Never Really Here

Director: Lynne Ramsay

Starring: Joaquim Phoenix, Ekaterina Samsonov

Four stars

Conservative MPs who have publicly revealed sending letters of no confidence
  1. Steve Baker
  2. Peter Bone
  3. Ben Bradley
  4. Andrew Bridgen
  5. Maria Caulfield​​​​​​​
  6. Simon Clarke 
  7. Philip Davies
  8. Nadine Dorries​​​​​​​
  9. James Duddridge​​​​​​​
  10. Mark Francois 
  11. Chris Green
  12. Adam Holloway
  13. Andrea Jenkyns
  14. Anne-Marie Morris
  15. Sheryll Murray
  16. Jacob Rees-Mogg
  17. Laurence Robertson
  18. Lee Rowley
  19. Henry Smith
  20. Martin Vickers 
  21. John Whittingdale
Timeline

2012-2015

The company offers payments/bribes to win key contracts in the Middle East

May 2017

The UK SFO officially opens investigation into Petrofac’s use of agents, corruption, and potential bribery to secure contracts

September 2021

Petrofac pleads guilty to seven counts of failing to prevent bribery under the UK Bribery Act

October 2021

Court fines Petrofac £77 million for bribery. Former executive receives a two-year suspended sentence 

December 2024

Petrofac enters into comprehensive restructuring to strengthen the financial position of the group

May 2025

The High Court of England and Wales approves the company’s restructuring plan

July 2025

The Court of Appeal issues a judgment challenging parts of the restructuring plan

August 2025

Petrofac issues a business update to execute the restructuring and confirms it will appeal the Court of Appeal decision

October 2025

Petrofac loses a major TenneT offshore wind contract worth €13 billion. Holding company files for administration in the UK. Petrofac delisted from the London Stock Exchange

November 2025

180 Petrofac employees laid off in the UAE

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Company%20profile
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The specs: Macan Turbo

Engine: Dual synchronous electric motors
Power: 639hp
Torque: 1,130Nm
Transmission: Single-speed automatic
Touring range: 591km
Price: From Dh412,500
On sale: Deliveries start in October

Who's who in Yemen conflict

Houthis: Iran-backed rebels who occupy Sanaa and run unrecognised government

Yemeni government: Exiled government in Aden led by eight-member Presidential Leadership Council

Southern Transitional Council: Faction in Yemeni government that seeks autonomy for the south

Habrish 'rebels': Tribal-backed forces feuding with STC over control of oil in government territory

Updated: May 08, 2024, 8:20 AM