The fate of Unifil, the UN interim force in Lebanon, whose renewal is scheduled in August, may be hanging by a thread. According to the Hebrew version of the Israeli daily Israel Hayom on June 8, the US and Israel have agreed to end the force’s operations, with Washington having a major say in the matter as it funds around a quarter of its budget.
The final outcome remains unclear, however, and the Lebanese authorities remain optimistic that Unifil’s mandate will be renewed. More relevant today, however, is that the context has substantially changed in the past six months, encompassing the uncertainties surrounding the conflict involving the US, Israel and Iran.
When Lebanon and Israel reached a ceasefire agreement last November, one aspect of the deal was the strengthening and expansion of a committee whose role would be to “monitor, verify, and assist in ensuring enforcement of [the agreement]”. The parties agreed it would be headed by a US general and include a French representative, in addition to Lebanese, Israeli and Unifil representatives.
In parallel, the administration of former US president Joe Biden had sent Israel a letter on the side in which it gave the Israeli government the right to strike militarily against any violation of the agreement – immediately in south Lebanon and only after giving the Lebanese army time to do so first in other parts of the country. The Donald Trump administration has maintained the same approach, and Israel continues to attack Hezbollah targets to this day.
Israel can achieve its objectives more forcefully and directly through a hegemonic military approach that doesn’t require it to navigate through international institutions, for which it has contempt
Not surprisingly, this situation has encouraged Israel to go along with any American decision to terminate Unifil. There is nothing more the Israeli government would like than to exploit the free rein that Washington has accorded them in Lebanon, without the burden of international oversight through the UN force.
At a time when Israel has significantly expanded its regional ambitions and is operating freely in Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and now Iran – in preparation for what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has called a “new Middle East" – Unifil represents a hindrance. Today, the Israelis can achieve their objectives more forcefully and directly through a hegemonic military approach that doesn’t require them to navigate through international institutions, for which they have contempt.
One would assume that unconditional US backing for Israel, coupled with US President Donald Trump’s antipathy towards spending his country’s money on UN endeavours, means that Unifil may be doomed. While that may be the case, the regional situation simply cannot be ignored in assessing the force’s future.
Mr Trump, whatever his commitment to Israel, is not someone who relishes being dragged into conflicts not of his choosing. Southern Lebanon creates such a risk. While there are indications he knew of the recent Israeli attack on Iran, the fact that Israel did not deliver a knockout blow and that the US intervened last weekend has created political problems for Mr Trump. It not only divided his base, there were never any guarantees Washington had a silver bullet guaranteeing victory against Iran.
If this invites more caution from the US President, he may have an interest in ensuring that Unifil remains in place, as it may bring an added level of stability to southern Lebanon. In other words, while the US may cut its spending for the UN force, it may also be more amenable to compromises that keep Unifil alive.
Among the potential ideas circulating is that Unifil be retooled and made to adapt to the new political environment in Lebanon – what Assaf Orion, an Israeli general at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, has called “forging Unifil 3.0”. This would involve cutting the force’s numbers to make it leaner, satisfying the cost-cutting preferences of the Americans, while allowing it to more effectively support the Lebanese army in asserting its authority in the country's south.
Mr Trump’s recent statements in Saudi Arabia implied that he would like to calm the situation in the region. This doesn’t square with Israel’s plans to impose its will by force on surrounding countries. What kind of tranquillity can be achieved if Israel continues to bomb Lebanon, Syria and Iran, while threatening Turkey because of its expanding influence in Syria? In other words, a peaceful Middle East cannot follow from Israel’s desire to sustain its regional military supremacy.
Whether any of the people close to the President who are of Lebanese origin will have a say on Unifil is an interesting, speculative question. It can’t be ruled out that Thomas Barrack, Mr Trump’s envoy to Turkey and Syria, Michel Issa, the new ambassador to Lebanon, and Massad Boulos, whose son is married to one of Mr Trump’s daughters, may be asked privately to weigh in on Lebanese affairs.
It would be in character for Mr Trump to consult with those around him if Unifil renewal were brought to his attention. While nothing indicates that the ethnic origins of these individuals would shape their advice if they were asked for their views, Mr Barrack and Mr Issa might seek outcomes that benefit them in their respective roles. Anything that avoids rocking the Lebanese boat may be such a thing.
It is too early to say what will happen to Unifil. However, one thing seems increasingly evident: the force cannot go on as it is. The situation in Lebanon and the region has changed too much, so that it makes sense to assimilate these changes into Unifil’s role, which has to be reinforced. Killing Unifil, on the other hand, would merely create an uneasy vacuum that only makes matters worse.
Last five meetings
2013: South Korea 0-2 Brazil
2002: South Korea 2-3 Brazil
1999: South Korea 1-0 Brazil
1997: South Korea 1-2 Brazil
1995: South Korea 0-1 Brazil
Note: All friendlies
Dr Graham's three goals
Short term
Establish logistics and systems needed to globally deploy vaccines
Intermediate term
Build biomedical workforces in low- and middle-income nations
Long term
A prototype pathogen approach for pandemic preparedness
More from Rashmee Roshan Lall
Results:
First Test: New Zealand 30 British & Irish Lions 15
Second Test: New Zealand 21 British & Irish Lions 24
Third Test: New Zealand 15 British & Irish Lions 15
The Africa Institute 101
Housed on the same site as the original Africa Hall, which first hosted an Arab-African Symposium in 1976, the newly renovated building will be home to a think tank and postgraduate studies hub (it will offer master’s and PhD programmes). The centre will focus on both the historical and contemporary links between Africa and the Gulf, and will serve as a meeting place for conferences, symposia, lectures, film screenings, plays, musical performances and more. In fact, today it is hosting a symposium – 5-plus-1: Rethinking Abstraction that will look at the six decades of Frank Bowling’s career, as well as those of his contemporaries that invested social, cultural and personal meaning into abstraction.
Did you know?
Brunch has been around, is some form or another, for more than a century. The word was first mentioned in print in an 1895 edition of Hunter’s Weekly, after making the rounds among university students in Britain. The article, entitled Brunch: A Plea, argued the case for a later, more sociable weekend meal. “By eliminating the need to get up early on Sunday, brunch would make life brighter for Saturday night carousers. It would promote human happiness in other ways as well,” the piece read. “It is talk-compelling. It puts you in a good temper, it makes you satisfied with yourself and your fellow beings, it sweeps away the worries and cobwebs of the week.” More than 100 years later, author Guy Beringer’s words still ring true, especially in the UAE, where brunches are often used to mark special, sociable occasions.
Specs
Engine: 2-litre
Transmission: Eight-speed automatic
Power: 255hp
Torque: 273Nm
Price: Dh240,000
How Apple's credit card works
The Apple Card looks different from a traditional credit card — there's no number on the front and the users' name is etched in metal. The card expands the company's digital Apple Pay services, marrying the physical card to a virtual one and integrating both with the iPhone. Its attributes include quick sign-up, elimination of most fees, strong security protections and cash back.
What does it cost?
Apple says there are no fees associated with the card. That means no late fee, no annual fee, no international fee and no over-the-limit fees. It also said it aims to have among the lowest interest rates in the industry. Users must have an iPhone to use the card, which comes at a cost. But they will earn cash back on their purchases — 3 per cent on Apple purchases, 2 per cent on those with the virtual card and 1 per cent with the physical card. Apple says it is the only card to provide those rewards in real time, so that cash earned can be used immediately.
What will the interest rate be?
The card doesn't come out until summer but Apple has said that as of March, the variable annual percentage rate on the card could be anywhere from 13.24 per cent to 24.24 per cent based on creditworthiness. That's in line with the rest of the market, according to analysts
What about security?
The physical card has no numbers so purchases are made with the embedded chip and the digital version lives in your Apple Wallet on your phone, where it's protected by fingerprints or facial recognition. That means that even if someone steals your phone, they won't be able to use the card to buy things.
Is it easy to use?
Apple says users will be able to sign up for the card in the Wallet app on their iPhone and begin using it almost immediately. It also tracks spending on the phone in a more user-friendly format, eliminating some of the gibberish that fills a traditional credit card statement. Plus it includes some budgeting tools, such as tracking spending and providing estimates of how much interest could be charged on a purchase to help people make an informed decision.
* Associated Press
Killing of Qassem Suleimani
The Equaliser 2
Director Antoine Fuqua
Starring: Denzel Washington, Bill Pullman, Melissa Leo, Ashton Sanders
Three stars
Dhadak
Director: Shashank Khaitan
Starring: Janhvi Kapoor, Ishaan Khattar, Ashutosh Rana
Stars: 3
Emergency
Director: Kangana Ranaut
Stars: Kangana Ranaut, Anupam Kher, Shreyas Talpade, Milind Soman, Mahima Chaudhry
Rating: 2/5
Spare
Profile
Company name: Spare
Started: March 2018
Co-founders: Dalal Alrayes and Saurabh Shah
Based: UAE
Sector: FinTech
Investment: Own savings. Going for first round of fund-raising in March 2019
Unresolved crisis
Russia and Ukraine have been locked in a bitter conflict since 2014, when Ukraine’s Kremlin-friendly president was ousted, Moscow annexed Crimea and then backed a separatist insurgency in the east.
Fighting between the Russia-backed rebels and Ukrainian forces has killed more than 14,000 people. In 2015, France and Germany helped broker a peace deal, known as the Minsk agreements, that ended large-scale hostilities but failed to bring a political settlement of the conflict.
The Kremlin has repeatedly accused Kiev of sabotaging the deal, and Ukrainian officials in recent weeks said that implementing it in full would hurt Ukraine.
Tightening the screw on rogue recruiters
The UAE overhauled the procedure to recruit housemaids and domestic workers with a law in 2017 to protect low-income labour from being exploited.
Only recruitment companies authorised by the government are permitted as part of Tadbeer, a network of labour ministry-regulated centres.
A contract must be drawn up for domestic workers, the wages and job offer clearly stating the nature of work.
The contract stating the wages, work entailed and accommodation must be sent to the employee in their home country before they depart for the UAE.
The contract will be signed by the employer and employee when the domestic worker arrives in the UAE.
Only recruitment agencies registered with the ministry can undertake recruitment and employment applications for domestic workers.
Penalties for illegal recruitment in the UAE include fines of up to Dh100,000 and imprisonment
But agents not authorised by the government sidestep the law by illegally getting women into the country on visit visas.
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Globalization and its Discontents Revisited
Joseph E. Stiglitz
W. W. Norton & Company
