“I reiterate that the government is fully prepared to co-operate with the ICC to facilitate access to those accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity.” So declared Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok on August 22, 2020.
Some surely are asking: haven’t we have heard this type of talk from Sudanese officials before? Yes, we have. What we have not seen are any trials of any perpetrators involved in atrocities in Darfur – or the rest of Sudan. Will this latest round of rhetorical commitment to justice translate into actual accountability?
Not long after former Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir’s unceremonious fall from power in April 2019, officials in the country stated their interest in Al Bashir “appearing” before the ICC. The announcement was met with a feverish reaction. A decade after the ICC issued warrants for his arrest, would Al Bashir finally find himself before judges in The Hague?
The answer, we now know, was no. In fact, Sudan’s new rulers hadn’t said the country’s former head of state would be sent to the ICC. Rather, they appeared interested in having the ICC put Al Bashir – and others wanted for atrocities in Darfur – on trial in Sudan itself.
This is also how Mr Hamdok’s remarks should be understood. He did not say that Sudan was prepared to ship off defendants to the ICC, but that Sudan is now ready to co-operate with the court to facilitate “access” to those accused. Some, like Al Bashir and former ministers Ahmad Harun and Abdel Rahim Mohammed Hussein, who are also implicated in the commission of atrocities in Darfur, are currently under arrest in Sudan.
The short answer is no. This is the first time that someone as senior as the Prime Minister has spoken out in favour of co-operating with the ICC. His comments also come in the wake of protests in which the subject of ICC justice has gained some traction, as well as the recent revision of laws that precluded Sudanese authorities from co-operating with the ICC.
As one human rights advocate recently observed, the reforms are “a welcome signal that Sudan’s leaders take seriously their public promises to co-operate with the court on outstanding arrest warrants”. The regular and repeated declarations of support for the ICC from within the Sudanese government also make it harder to backtrack on their pledge to ensure those targeted by the court for atrocities in Darfur will be prosecuted.
What justice for events in Darfur might look like remains murky. The same options on the table exist now as they did when the government first suggested it would work with the ICC. The court's Prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, recently stated that she is not aware of the government's plans. She has spoken of difficulties in her interactions with interlocutors in Sudan due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the inability of her staff to visit Sudan.
What justice for events in Darfur might look like remains murky
So far, authorities have not tipped their hand as to whether they would surrender Al Bashir, Harun or Hussein to The Hague if the court is unwilling or unable to hold proceedings on Sudanese territory. Nor have they indicated any interest in investigating and prosecuting those responsible for international crimes in Darfur themselves; Al Bashir has been tried in Sudan, but only for corruption and related crimes.
To be sure, after decades of Al Bashir’s rule and Sudan’s designation as a pariah state, Khartoum wants the benefits that international rehabilitation can bring. Co-operating with the ICC would appear to be part an effort to look like a member of the international community in good standing. But the desire to “come in from the cold” may also be a reason why Sudan has chosen a one-foot-in-one-foot-out approach to the ICC: committing to co-operation, but not spelling out what that would look like.
Governing authorities may want to leverage their co-operation for other benefits – including on financial, diplomatic, and trade matters – from states that would like to see Al Bashir prosecuted by the court. Sceptics might also suggest that while Sudan’s rulers are interested in co-operating with the ICC, they will only do so if their leadership is protected from investigation and prosecution by the court.
Despite the tectonic political changes in Khartoum and ongoing negotiations with rebel forces, which included an agreement to “hand over” Al Bashir to the ICC, mass violence in Darfur continues, with civilians facing the brunt.
Parallel to demands for ICC justice, Sudanese protestors have also demanded justice for the deaths of at least 120 demonstrators during the popular uprising that ousted Al Bashir from power. Authorities have promised accountability for the killings as well as alleged sexual assaults and rapes committed by security forces. But some of those same authorities are themselves implicated in atrocities. Awad Ibn Auf, one of Sudan’s coup leaders, for example, has been sanctioned by the United States and “helped to stand up the infamous proxy militia force known as the Janjaweed, who brutalised the Darfuri population”.
Ultimately, what the ICC needs most is co-operation from Sudanese authorities. It remains unclear whether ICC prosecutors are ready for Al Bashir to show up in The Hague. It has been an open secret for many years that prosecutors were not prepared for him to be handed over to be tried for genocide, a notorious difficult crime to prove in court. Of course, that was before he was overthrown and before ICC investigators had access to evidence in Darfur and the rest of Sudan.
Now, with Sudan’s co-operation and access to potential defendants, ICC investigators and prosecutors could encourage some of those languishing in jail to testify against Al Bashir or plead guilty while supplying the court with invaluable evidence and testimony. That would prove a coup of its own for prosecutors.
It might thus be wrong to suggest that Khartoum is dithering on justice only out of a sense of self-interest. Al Bashir’s prosecution would be the ICC’s biggest, most difficult and most dramatic to date – by far. The court’s prosecutors might be quite happy, then, for the wheels of justice to grind slowly but surely. It gives them ample opportunity to prepare for Al Bashir’s trial – wherever it may take place.
Mark Kersten is an expert in international law and a consultant at the Wayamo Foundation
Company Profile:
Name: The Protein Bakeshop
Date of start: 2013
Founders: Rashi Chowdhary and Saad Umerani
Based: Dubai
Size, number of employees: 12
Funding/investors: $400,000 (2018)
The view from The National
U19 WORLD CUP, WEST INDIES
UAE group fixtures (all in St Kitts)
Saturday 15 January: v Canada
Thursday 20 January: v England
Saturday 22 January: v Bangladesh
UAE squad
Alishan Sharafu (captain), Shival Bawa, Jash Giyanani, Sailles Jaishankar, Nilansh Keswani, Aayan Khan, Punya Mehra, Ali Naseer, Ronak Panoly, Dhruv Parashar, Vinayak Raghavan, Soorya Sathish, Aryansh Sharma, Adithya Shetty, Kai Smith
Mohammed bin Zayed Majlis
A new relationship with the old country
Treaty of Friendship between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United Arab Emirates
The United kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United Arab Emirates; Considering that the United Arab Emirates has assumed full responsibility as a sovereign and independent State; Determined that the long-standing and traditional relations of close friendship and cooperation between their peoples shall continue; Desiring to give expression to this intention in the form of a Treaty Friendship; Have agreed as follows:
ARTICLE 1 The relations between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United Arab Emirates shall be governed by a spirit of close friendship. In recognition of this, the Contracting Parties, conscious of their common interest in the peace and stability of the region, shall: (a) consult together on matters of mutual concern in time of need; (b) settle all their disputes by peaceful means in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
ARTICLE 2 The Contracting Parties shall encourage education, scientific and cultural cooperation between the two States in accordance with arrangements to be agreed. Such arrangements shall cover among other things: (a) the promotion of mutual understanding of their respective cultures, civilisations and languages, the promotion of contacts among professional bodies, universities and cultural institutions; (c) the encouragement of technical, scientific and cultural exchanges.
ARTICLE 3 The Contracting Parties shall maintain the close relationship already existing between them in the field of trade and commerce. Representatives of the Contracting Parties shall meet from time to time to consider means by which such relations can be further developed and strengthened, including the possibility of concluding treaties or agreements on matters of mutual concern.
ARTICLE 4 This Treaty shall enter into force on today’s date and shall remain in force for a period of ten years. Unless twelve months before the expiry of the said period of ten years either Contracting Party shall have given notice to the other of its intention to terminate the Treaty, this Treaty shall remain in force thereafter until the expiry of twelve months from the date on which notice of such intention is given.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF the undersigned have signed this Treaty.
DONE in duplicate at Dubai the second day of December 1971AD, corresponding to the fifteenth day of Shawwal 1391H, in the English and Arabic languages, both texts being equally authoritative.
Signed
Geoffrey Arthur Sheikh Zayed
Mina Cup winners
Under 12 – Minerva Academy
Under 14 – Unam Pumas
Under 16 – Fursan Hispania
Under 18 – Madenat
Sinopharm vaccine explained
The Sinopharm vaccine was created using techniques that have been around for decades.
“This is an inactivated vaccine. Simply what it means is that the virus is taken, cultured and inactivated," said Dr Nawal Al Kaabi, chair of the UAE's National Covid-19 Clinical Management Committee.
"What is left is a skeleton of the virus so it looks like a virus, but it is not live."
This is then injected into the body.
"The body will recognise it and form antibodies but because it is inactive, we will need more than one dose. The body will not develop immunity with one dose," she said.
"You have to be exposed more than one time to what we call the antigen."
The vaccine should offer protection for at least months, but no one knows how long beyond that.
Dr Al Kaabi said early vaccine volunteers in China were given shots last spring and still have antibodies today.
“Since it is inactivated, it will not last forever," she said.
Scorecard
Scotland 220
K Coetzer 95, J Siddique 3-49, R Mustafa 3-35
UAE 224-3 in 43,5 overs
C Suri 67, B Hameed 63 not out
Hotel Silence
Auður Ava Ólafsdóttir
Pushkin Press
Emergency phone numbers in the UAE
Estijaba – 8001717 – number to call to request coronavirus testing
Ministry of Health and Prevention – 80011111
Dubai Health Authority – 800342 – The number to book a free video or voice consultation with a doctor or connect to a local health centre
Emirates airline – 600555555
Etihad Airways – 600555666
Ambulance – 998
Knowledge and Human Development Authority – 8005432 ext. 4 for Covid-19 queries
The specs
Engine: Long-range single or dual motor with 200kW or 400kW battery
Transmission: Single-speed automatic
Max touring range: 620km / 590km
Price: From Dh250,000 (estimated)
Key findings of Jenkins report
- Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al Banna, "accepted the political utility of violence"
- Views of key Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Qutb, have “consistently been understood” as permitting “the use of extreme violence in the pursuit of the perfect Islamic society” and “never been institutionally disowned” by the movement.
- Muslim Brotherhood at all levels has repeatedly defended Hamas attacks against Israel, including the use of suicide bombers and the killing of civilians.
- Laying out the report in the House of Commons, David Cameron told MPs: "The main findings of the review support the conclusion that membership of, association with, or influence by the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered as a possible indicator of extremism."
RESULTS
1.45pm: Handicap (TB) Dh80,000 (Dirt) 1,400m
Winners: Hyde Park, Royston Ffrench (jockey), Salem bin Ghadayer (trainer)
2.15pm: Conditions (TB) Dh100,000 (D) 1,400m
Winner: Shamikh, Ryan Curatolo, Nicholas Bachalard
2.45pm: Conditions (TB) Dh100,000 (D) 1,200m
Winner: Hurry Up, Royston Ffrench, Salem bin Ghadayer.
3.15pm: Shadwell Jebel Ali Mile Group 3 (TB) Dh575,000 (D) 1,600m
Winner: Blown by Wind, Xavier Ziani, Salem bin Ghadayer
3.45pm: Handicap (TB) Dh72,000 (D) 1,600m
Winner: Mazagran, Tadhg O’Shea, Satish Seemar.
4.15pm: Handicap (TB) Dh64,000 (D) 1,950m
Winner: Obeyaan, Adrie de Vries, Mujeeb Rehman
4.45pm: Handicap (TB) Dh84,000 (D) 1,000m
Winner: Shanaghai City, Fabrice Veron, Rashed Bouresly.
The years Ramadan fell in May
The specs: 2019 Jeep Wrangler
Price, base: Dh132,000
Engine: 3.6-litre V6
Gearbox: Eight-speed automatic
Power: 285hp @ 6,400rpm
Torque: 347Nm @ 4,100rpm
Fuel economy, combined: 9.6L to 10.3L / 100km
Real estate tokenisation project
Dubai launched the pilot phase of its real estate tokenisation project last month.
The initiative focuses on converting real estate assets into digital tokens recorded on blockchain technology and helps in streamlining the process of buying, selling and investing, the Dubai Land Department said.
Dubai’s real estate tokenisation market is projected to reach Dh60 billion ($16.33 billion) by 2033, representing 7 per cent of the emirate’s total property transactions, according to the DLD.
The five new places of worship
Church of South Indian Parish
St Andrew's Church Mussaffah branch
St Andrew's Church Al Ain branch
St John's Baptist Church, Ruwais
Church of the Virgin Mary and St Paul the Apostle, Ruwais
The%20specs
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