President Joe Biden used his first major foreign policy address in office to fulfil his campaign pledge to end US support for the Saudi-led coalition fighting the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen.
Mr Biden's announcement on Thursday that the US would end all support for the coalition's operation is a stark turnaround in Washington's stance on the six-year civil war.
He was vice president when the Obama administration agreed to back the Saudi-led coalition’s campaign and bolster Yemen’s internationally recognised government against the Houthi rebels.
That support included logistical, intelligence, targeting and mid-air refuelling support for the Saudi-led campaign.
At the time, there was little opposition from Washington’s foreign policy establishment against US involvement in the war, and a vote to block arms sales to Saudi Arabia during the conflict failed by 71-27 in the Senate.
But under former president Donald Trump, opposition to US involvement in the war intensified, with anti-war advocacy groups lobbying Congress to force him to end US support for the conflict.
Several former Obama administration officials who first supported the coalition joined the anti-war advocacy efforts through a non-profit organisation called National Security Action.
National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan sat on National Security Action's advisory board before joining the Biden White House.
The lobbying was fruitful. Under the Trump administration, Congress passed bipartisan bills to end US involvement in the Yemen war and blocked an $8 billion arms sale to Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
Mr Trump ultimately vetoed all four bills, but his administration did end mid-air refuelling to the Saudi coalition in 2018 amid a growing congressional backlash.
However, the logistical, targeting and intelligence support remained in place throughout the rest of his presidency.
And while the Biden administration initiated a review of US relations with Saudi Arabia, including a temporary freeze on the Trump administration's last-minute arms sales to Riyadh, the president said that the US was committed to defending the kingdom against threats from Iran and its regional proxies.
“Saudi Arabia faces missile attacks, UAV strikes and other threats from Iranian-supplied forces in multiple countries,” Mr Biden said.
“We’re going to continue to help Saudi Arabia defend its sovereignty and its territorial integrity and its people.”
Saudi Arabia welcomed Mr Biden's "commitment to co-operate with the kingdom to defend its sovereignty and counter threats against it", in a statement released on the official Saudi Press Agency.
It also reiterated its commitment to finding a political solution to end the Yemen conflict.
Aside from Yemen, Mr Biden made no mention of other regional conflicts, such as that in Libya.
He also failed to touch on Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan, where US troops are stationed.
Mr Biden made no mention of the Arab-Israeli conflict, countering terrorism or the Iran nuclear deal.
This is in stark contrast to his predecessors. George W Bush made the war on Al Qaeda an early priority, as did Barack Obama on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Iran nuclear negotiations, and Mr Trump made early moves to counter Iran.
For the Biden administration, ending US offensive support in Yemen is a goal that has bipartisan backing in Congress and fulfils a campaign promise.
It is low-hanging fruit in comparison with the Syrian conflict, Iran nuclear negotiations or talks with the Taliban in Afghanistan.
The National reported on Thursday that the administration is re-evaluating its Syria policy, although naming an envoy to the country, unlike Tim Lenderking's recent appointment as envoy to Yemen, will have to wait.
Mr Biden, without mentioning the Trump administration specifically, also tried to emphasise the sharp contrast with the previous approach to the Middle East.
He has not yet called any Middle East leader, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
While he pledged to continue work on the Abraham Accord, Mr Biden is not giving priority to Arab-Israeli negotiations.
Instead, the speech confirmed the US focus and swing to global priorities such as the rising influence of China, confronting Russia and mending ties with Nato allies.
At the same time, the speech did not signal US abandonment of traditional commitments in the Middle East.
Mr Biden did not announce partial withdrawals of troops from the region, sought by Mr Trump, and is instead suspending those to Germany and Afghanistan pending a review.
The speech offered a preliminary view of US priorities in the Middle East but ones that fit an American audience and remain in synch with Mr Biden’s domestic policies.
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Living in...
This article is part of a guide on where to live in the UAE. Our reporters will profile some of the country’s most desirable districts, provide an estimate of rental prices and introduce you to some of the residents who call each area home.
Zayed Sustainability Prize
Saturday's schedule at the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix
GP3 race, 12:30pm
Formula 1 final practice, 2pm
Formula 1 qualifying, 5pm
Formula 2 race, 6:40pm
Performance: Sam Smith
Mia Man’s tips for fermentation
- Start with a simple recipe such as yogurt or sauerkraut
- Keep your hands and kitchen tools clean. Sanitize knives, cutting boards, tongs and storage jars with boiling water before you start.
- Mold is bad: the colour pink is a sign of mold. If yogurt turns pink as it ferments, you need to discard it and start again. For kraut, if you remove the top leaves and see any sign of mold, you should discard the batch.
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Tips to avoid getting scammed
1) Beware of cheques presented late on Thursday
2) Visit an RTA centre to change registration only after receiving payment
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4) Try not to close the sale at night
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Ten tax points to be aware of in 2026
1. Domestic VAT refund amendments: request your refund within five years
If a business does not apply for the refund on time, they lose their credit.
2. E-invoicing in the UAE
Businesses should continue preparing for the implementation of e-invoicing in the UAE, with 2026 a preparation and transition period ahead of phased mandatory adoption.
3. More tax audits
Tax authorities are increasingly using data already available across multiple filings to identify audit risks.
4. More beneficial VAT and excise tax penalty regime
Tax disputes are expected to become more frequent and more structured, with clearer administrative objection and appeal processes. The UAE has adopted a new penalty regime for VAT and excise disputes, which now mirrors the penalty regime for corporate tax.
5. Greater emphasis on statutory audit
There is a greater need for the accuracy of financial statements. The International Financial Reporting Standards standards need to be strictly adhered to and, as a result, the quality of the audits will need to increase.
6. Further transfer pricing enforcement
Transfer pricing enforcement, which refers to the practice of establishing prices for internal transactions between related entities, is expected to broaden in scope. The UAE will shortly open the possibility to negotiate advance pricing agreements, or essentially rulings for transfer pricing purposes.
7. Limited time periods for audits
Recent amendments also introduce a default five-year limitation period for tax audits and assessments, subject to specific statutory exceptions. While the standard audit and assessment period is five years, this may be extended to up to 15 years in cases involving fraud or tax evasion.
8. Pillar 2 implementation
Many multinational groups will begin to feel the practical effect of the Domestic Minimum Top-Up Tax (DMTT), the UAE's implementation of the OECD’s global minimum tax under Pillar 2. While the rules apply for financial years starting on or after January 1, 2025, it is 2026 that marks the transition to an operational phase.
9. Reduced compliance obligations for imported goods and services
Businesses that apply the reverse-charge mechanism for VAT purposes in the UAE may benefit from reduced compliance obligations.
10. Substance and CbC reporting focus
Tax authorities are expected to continue strengthening the enforcement of economic substance and Country-by-Country (CbC) reporting frameworks. In the UAE, these regimes are increasingly being used as risk-assessment tools, providing tax authorities with a comprehensive view of multinational groups’ global footprints and enabling them to assess whether profits are aligned with real economic activity.
Contributed by Thomas Vanhee and Hend Rashwan, Aurifer
